New Delhi: These are excerpts from the new autobiography by Congress leader Arjun Singh, A Grain of Sand in the Hourglass of Time. The book (Hay House Publishers, India) will be available in bookstore in India starting next week for Rs. 599.THE DEMOLITION IN AYODHYA AND ITS IMPACT
When I realized that my letters addressed to the prime minister were not even being acknowledged, I felt as if I was banging my head against a wall. A Congress member, who was privileged to become the prime minister of the Indian Republic on the basis of the party's support, seemed to be totally oblivious to all the high principles and ideals that had guided (and continued to guide) the great organization. I then decided that the time had come to speak my mind, whatever be the risk involved. I sent a letter to Jitendra Prasada (from Uttar Pradesh), political secretary to the prime minister and his 'conscience keeper'. Copies of this letter were circulated to the AICC members, all Congress MPs/MLAs (members of legislative assemblies), all PCCs presidents and CLP leaders. I am not aware of precisely what was the impact of this letter on the Congress top brass, but I do know for certain that it sent ripples through the rank and file of the party. Had such a letter made the rounds in the pre-independence period, the entire party would have focused attention on it. In the present times, when the culture of sycophancy was prevalent and power was all that mattered, there was no apparent reaction, but ultimately the party suffered a serious setback in that its image among the people was besmirched.
- Having reached a dead end with the prime minister, I decided to go to Ayodhya on the night of 3 December 1992 to see the ground realities myself. I was scheduled to board the Lucknow Mail (which was to leave late in the night) to reach the capital of Uttar Pradesh and then take another train to Ayodhya after a break in journey. Mine was not a secret visit, but it was not a publicized one either. I was surprised when, at the New Delhi Railway Station, I received an urgent message from the prime minister that I should call him immediately. This development came as a surprise to me because all my letters had not been even acknowledged and my suggestions and warnings had not been taken seriously by him and now he was suddenly reaching out to me, of all places, on a railway platform! My first reaction was that I would politely inform him that I was going to Ayodhya and would meet him on my return to Delhi. On second thoughts, I felt there was no harm in listening to what he had to say. It was quite a scene at the railway station because the news had already been leaked that the prime minister was trying to get in touch with me. I quickly went to the station master's room and rang up the prime minister (this was the pre-mobile phone era). He was in a very agitated mood and wanted to know why I was going to Ayodhya without his permission or directions from him. I replied that as a minister I was free to travel to any part of the country and I was going to Ayodhya to see for myself what exactly was happening there. He could not straightaway tell me not to go, but wanted to imply this nonetheless. I then told him that my train was about to leave and if there was anything urgent, he should tell me now and that I would come back after two days. He then asked me that to meet the Uttar Pradesh chief minister, Kalyan Singh (belonging to the BJP), during my stopover at Lucknow to find out what he was planning to do. I told him that, personally, I had no intention of meeting Kalyan Singh, but if the prime minister so desired, I would meet him and ascertain his plans. He then said: 'Yes, at least on this occasion you be my emissary.'
- I reached Delhi on 4 December evening. The next morning I met Narasimha Rao and reported verbatim the details of my conversation with Kalyan Singh. Rao pretended to be listening attentively, but I got the impression that he was not taking the entire issue very seriously. It appeared as if I were describing an inconsequential meeting with some minor functionary. When I had finished, the prime minister asked me: 'What is your own assessment of the situation?' I replied: 'You did not allow me to move out of Lucknow, so what assessment can I give you?' He then tried to probe further: 'No, no, I know you have your sources and I want to know what is the shape of things to come.' I then told him very frankly that the Babri mosque was going to be demolished. This news definitely shook him and he wanted to dispute my claim, but, on second thoughts, he kept quiet. In a somewhat agitated frame of mind, he started thinking aloud about the repercussions if the mosque were to be brought down. He then suddenly exclaimed that this would have 'a very bad impact on the Congress Party', which was stating the obvious. At that point, I could not contain myself and told him bluntly that 'we have turned a blind eye' to the machinations of the BJP and the other pro-Hindutva outfits. He then queried: 'When could this [demolition] happen?' I responded: 'This could happen any day.' Even I did not realize that the Babri mosque would be demolished the very next day (6 December 1992).
- On the night of 6 December 1992, the prime minister addressed the nation over national TV and radio. The underlying theme of his speech was that Kalyan Singh did not honour his commitment (to the Supreme Court) to protect the Babri Masjid. I could not ascertain the extent to which he was able to convince the people regarding the Central Government's stand. The demolition came as a great shock to millions of Indians, especially to those belonging to the largest minority community, i.e., Muslims, who had reposed their faith and trust in the party that once had leaders of the stature of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, hailed as votaries of secularism. The fact remained that we, as Congressmen, had failed the nation and had to pay a heavy price for our ineptitude in the next general elections held in April-May 1996 when the Congress was voted out of power.
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